Structural Violence and Gender Roles in Rural El Salvador
Paul Farmer defines structural violence as “[Suffering] 'structured' by historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces that conspire—whether through routine, ritual, or, as is more commonly the case, the hard surfaces of life—to constrain agency.” I argue that this term applies to the case of women in rural El Salvador who must cope with unfaithful or absent male partners, unstable relationships, low earning potential, and single parenting of multiple children. The gender power differential denies women the option to control their sexuality and limits their options; in combination with rural poverty, this encourages their disempowerment. Salvadoran machismo increases male power in relationships; this entraps women into poverty as their gender roles restrict their ability to realize their human potential.
One way in which machismo and poverty combine to devalue woman's role is the accompanada relationship. Accompanada signifies that an unmarried couple lives together and raises a family without being officially married. It is much more common in areas of rural poverty, presumably because marriage in the Church costs a significant amount of money. However, as the healthcare promoter of our team said, the accompanada state is still a union libre. Men and women are free to dissolve the relationship with no legal consequences. Because of this, although accompanadas are similar to married couples, the marriage is more socially stable because since it is more difficult to dissolve and males to provide financial support to their children. If an accompanada relationship ends, though, due to traditional female roles, the women are left to care for the children without necessarily an external means of emotional or financial support. Since the two were not legally bound together, the male has no formal obligation to provide support and the woman has no power to compel him to do so. As a result, poverty leads to informal marital unions which provoke familial instability and increase the number of single women raising children without means of social and financial support. This phenomenon is not limited only to El Salvador; Paul Farmer demonstrates in Pathologies of Power that the abandonment of women with children by their male partners occurs commonly in Haiti as well. Interestingly, conversations with economically well-off Salvadorans revealed that this occurrence was quite rare among people of their social status. Among the well-educated, gender disparities which limit women's options occur less commonly because women with schooling hold more relationship power.
Among a rural population with low educational levels, machismo defines gender roles; consequently women exercise less control over their sexuality and childbearing. The Latin American region demonstrates the highest gender inequalities and double standards in the world. This lowers women's ability to negotiate safe sexual encounters, which significantly increases their vulnerability. Studies show that in relationships in which the male holds a strong advantage over female, the usage of condoms is five times more inconsistent than otherwise (Bermudez. et. al. 2010). Irregular contraceptive usage means that, since men are entitled to sex in relationships (Weiss 2000), women do not have the choice of whether or not to bear children1. As well, since sex is seen as necessary to male mental and physical health, men may have multiple sexual partners with or without their partner's knowledge whereas females are expected to remain monogamous. As a result, women will bear their partner's children in an accompanada relationship when he may choose to leave them for another woman at any point without consequences. This demonstrates a significant difference in power between the two as the woman holds responsibility for her children and her sexuality whereas men have no such restrictions. Since “The balance of power within a couple is related to higher levels of education,” (Bermudez et. al. 2010), this is more common in rural areas where the average educational level is 3.4 years of schooling (USAID 2003). Thus, rural women are subject to a greater power imbalance than their urban counterparts. I noticed this dynamic during consultas in rural El Salvador; young women with children often requested contraceptives from the male doctor in order to ponerme en control de mi vida. As well, I heard a woman complain that she did not want to have sexual relations with her husband because it hurt her, but her husband refused to pay attention to her wishes. The inability to control the number of children, instability of the familial relationship, and woman's role as caretaker limits the agency of women living in rural poverty more than that of men.
Her childcaring responsibilities limit her labor marketability. If her accompanada deserts her or refuses to provide social and financial support, this leaves her with the double work load of both caring for her children and working to support the family. Among my medical team, the females with children received little to no financial and social support from the fathers of their children. Although this might not in reality be as common as I observed, it is important to note the lack of social or legal pressure on the male to provide support.
Machismo, low levels of education, and the accompanada phenomenon decrease rural females control over their sexuality and willingness to bear children in relationships. This contributes to their vulnerability and commonly entraps them in situations where they have many children and no financial and social support from their former partner. For example, among the members of my medical team, the females with children received little to no financial and social support from the fathers. If a woman's accompanada deserts her, this leaves her with the double work load of both caring for her children and working to support the family. The fact that she has children limits her labor marketability, as does her low level of education. This gender power differential means that in areas of rural poverty, cultural expectations increase familial instability and decrease the woman's power to control her life.
1As a Catholic country, abortion is illegal in El Salvador and induced abortions are socially unacceptable
One way in which machismo and poverty combine to devalue woman's role is the accompanada relationship. Accompanada signifies that an unmarried couple lives together and raises a family without being officially married. It is much more common in areas of rural poverty, presumably because marriage in the Church costs a significant amount of money. However, as the healthcare promoter of our team said, the accompanada state is still a union libre. Men and women are free to dissolve the relationship with no legal consequences. Because of this, although accompanadas are similar to married couples, the marriage is more socially stable because since it is more difficult to dissolve and males to provide financial support to their children. If an accompanada relationship ends, though, due to traditional female roles, the women are left to care for the children without necessarily an external means of emotional or financial support. Since the two were not legally bound together, the male has no formal obligation to provide support and the woman has no power to compel him to do so. As a result, poverty leads to informal marital unions which provoke familial instability and increase the number of single women raising children without means of social and financial support. This phenomenon is not limited only to El Salvador; Paul Farmer demonstrates in Pathologies of Power that the abandonment of women with children by their male partners occurs commonly in Haiti as well. Interestingly, conversations with economically well-off Salvadorans revealed that this occurrence was quite rare among people of their social status. Among the well-educated, gender disparities which limit women's options occur less commonly because women with schooling hold more relationship power.
Among a rural population with low educational levels, machismo defines gender roles; consequently women exercise less control over their sexuality and childbearing. The Latin American region demonstrates the highest gender inequalities and double standards in the world. This lowers women's ability to negotiate safe sexual encounters, which significantly increases their vulnerability. Studies show that in relationships in which the male holds a strong advantage over female, the usage of condoms is five times more inconsistent than otherwise (Bermudez. et. al. 2010). Irregular contraceptive usage means that, since men are entitled to sex in relationships (Weiss 2000), women do not have the choice of whether or not to bear children1. As well, since sex is seen as necessary to male mental and physical health, men may have multiple sexual partners with or without their partner's knowledge whereas females are expected to remain monogamous. As a result, women will bear their partner's children in an accompanada relationship when he may choose to leave them for another woman at any point without consequences. This demonstrates a significant difference in power between the two as the woman holds responsibility for her children and her sexuality whereas men have no such restrictions. Since “The balance of power within a couple is related to higher levels of education,” (Bermudez et. al. 2010), this is more common in rural areas where the average educational level is 3.4 years of schooling (USAID 2003). Thus, rural women are subject to a greater power imbalance than their urban counterparts. I noticed this dynamic during consultas in rural El Salvador; young women with children often requested contraceptives from the male doctor in order to ponerme en control de mi vida. As well, I heard a woman complain that she did not want to have sexual relations with her husband because it hurt her, but her husband refused to pay attention to her wishes. The inability to control the number of children, instability of the familial relationship, and woman's role as caretaker limits the agency of women living in rural poverty more than that of men.
Her childcaring responsibilities limit her labor marketability. If her accompanada deserts her or refuses to provide social and financial support, this leaves her with the double work load of both caring for her children and working to support the family. Among my medical team, the females with children received little to no financial and social support from the fathers of their children. Although this might not in reality be as common as I observed, it is important to note the lack of social or legal pressure on the male to provide support.
Machismo, low levels of education, and the accompanada phenomenon decrease rural females control over their sexuality and willingness to bear children in relationships. This contributes to their vulnerability and commonly entraps them in situations where they have many children and no financial and social support from their former partner. For example, among the members of my medical team, the females with children received little to no financial and social support from the fathers. If a woman's accompanada deserts her, this leaves her with the double work load of both caring for her children and working to support the family. The fact that she has children limits her labor marketability, as does her low level of education. This gender power differential means that in areas of rural poverty, cultural expectations increase familial instability and decrease the woman's power to control her life.
1As a Catholic country, abortion is illegal in El Salvador and induced abortions are socially unacceptable